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Briefing on the situation in Sudan

Date | 15 December 2025

Tomorrow (16 December), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will receive a briefing on the situation in Sudan.

The session is expected to begin with opening remarks by Ennio Maes, Permanent Representative of Côte d’Ivoire to the AU and Chairperson of the PSC for December, followed by a statement from Bankole Adeoye, AU Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS). Adama Dieng, the AU Special Envoy on the Prevention of Genocide and Other Mass Atrocities, may also brief the PSC. Representatives of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and the United Nations (UN) are also expected to deliver statements.

In October 2025, following the fall of El Fasher, the PSC held an emergency session on the situation in Sudan, particularly on the atrocities that ensued following the city’s fall. As noted in our Monthly Digest, although the atrocities reportedly committed by the RSF during and after the fall of El Fasher are of a scale and nature that could trigger Article 4(h) of the AU Constitutive Act—which confers upon the AU the power to intervene in a Member State in respect of grave circumstances—the emergency session missed an opportunity for the PSC to take bold decisions, including the invocation of Article 4(h). Instead, the PSC largely confined itself to reiterating decisions adopted more than a year ago.

From the communiqué it adopted after the session, the PSC tasked the AU Commission ‘to regularly monitor and report such heinous crimes committed throughout Sudan, in order to put in place preventive measures and reduce the risk of recurrence; develop proposals on how to address them to prevent their further escalation; [and] develop a plan for the protection of civilians, and make recommendations to the PSC within three weeks.’

PSC went further and directed the Chairperson of the AU Commission to engage with the Members of the PSC Presidential Ad-hoc Committee, under the leadership of Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, President of Uganda, to urgently facilitate the negotiation process between the leaders of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF), including the holding of an AU Special Summit on Sudan. It also reiterated its call for the Subcommittee on Sanctions, in collaboration with CISSA and AFRIPOL, to identify all external actors supporting the warring parties and recommend measures to be taken by the PSC within three weeks. Another assignment included tasking the Special Envoy on the Prevention of Genocide and Other Mass Atrocities to undertake a fact-finding mission to Sudan and report back to the Council with recommendations within three weeks. This, however, did not happen. Since then, the Special Envoy undertook a visit to Port Sudan on 16 November and engaged Sudanese authorities and civil society actors, as well as people affected by the fighting. At tomorrow’s session, the PSC is expected to follow up on progress in the implementation of these decisions, including an update on the Special Envoy’s visit to Port Sudan.

The RSF are now advancing aggressively into Kordofan, with major cities such as El-Obeid squarely in its sights. Having defeated the SAF in El Fasher in October– an assault that triggered widespread atrocities, including the reported killing of at least 1,500 civilians and the displacement of tens of thousands – the RSF currently holds the battlefield momentum in Sudan’s escalating war.

Early this month, RSF seized the 22nd SAF division headquarters in Babanusa, West Kordofan State. Going further, the RSF seized the strategic Heglig oilfield in South Kordofan, forcing the SAF to withdraw into neighbouring South Sudan. Reports indicate that the South Sudanese government, SAF and RSF have reached an agreement to allow South Sudanese troops to move into Heglig to secure the critical oil infrastructure in the region, which is vital for both Sudan and South Sudan. This oil-rich region was a flashpoint in 2012 when a brief war took place between Sudan and South Sudan over control of the area. The Heglig crisis was resolved following intense diplomatic efforts involving the AU and UN that eventually resulted in South Sudan forces withdrawing from the area.

Most recently, on 13 December, drone attacks targeted the logistics base of the United Nations Interim Force for Abyei (UNISFA) in Kadugli, Sudan, killing six peacekeepers and injuring eight others. UN Secretary-General António Guterres strongly condemned the ‘horrific’ attacks, warning that they may constitute war crimes.

On 21 October 2025, the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) released its Fact-Finding Report that documented the atrocities committed by the warring parties since the outbreak of the war on 15 April 2023. The report observed that the conflict is ‘characterised by total lack of regard to the rules of war and the human rights standards under the African Charter.’ It further held that Sudanese civilians ‘endured all forms of atrocities and the worst humanitarian conditions.’ Recognising that the situation in Sudan warrants the application of Article 4(h) of the Constitutive Act of the AU, the report called on the AU ‘deploy an AU peacekeeping mission to Sudan consistent with article 4(h) of the Constitutive Act to assist in the process of stabilizing the situation in Sudan and offer necessary protection to civilians including the establishment of safe and demilitarized humanitarian corridors.’ However, the PSC did not consider the report when it held its 1308th emergency session following the fall of El Fasher. Since then, the ACHPR physically handed in the Fact-Finding Report to the Chairperson of the AU Commission during a meeting held on 19 November at the AU headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The fact that the report was not scheduled to be presented to the PSC is a major omission, given that the fact-finding mission was initiated following and within the framework of the decision of the PSC Communiqué, PSC/HoSG/COMM, adopted at its 1218th meeting of 21 June 2024.

On 4 December, the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk rang the alarm bells on another wave of atrocities in Sudan amid an escalation of fighting in the Kordofan region. At least 269 civilian deaths from aerial strikes, artillery shelling, and summary executions since 25 October, when RSF captured Bara city in North Kordofan. The High Commissioner noted that the number could be much higher, given reports of retaliatory killings, arbitrary detention, abductions, sexual violence and forced recruitment, including of children, but telecommunications and internet outages hinder accurate reporting.

Additionally, his office reported that an RSF drone attack on 3 November killed 45 people in El Obeid, North Kordofan, while an aerial strike carried out by the SAF on 29 November in Kauda, South Kordofan, resulted in the deaths of at least 48 people, most of them civilians. His office also highlighted the dire humanitarian situation, particularly in Kadugli and Dilling in South Kordofan, which have been besieged by the RSF and SPLM-N, with famine confirmed in Kadugli and a high risk of famine in Dilling. El Obeid in North Kordofan is also partially surrounded by the RSF. His office made it clear that all parties continue to block humanitarian access and operations.

On 8 December, the United Nations Security Council held closed consultations on Sudan, focusing on the ongoing situation in Kordofan. Under-Secretary-General for Humanitarian Affairs and Emergency Relief Coordinator Tom Fletcher and High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk briefed Council members on the appalling humanitarian and human rights conditions in the region. Türk apparently echoed the statements he released on 4 December, stating that ‘we cannot remain silent in the face of yet another man-made catastrophe.’ He also urged an immediate end to the fighting and called for life-saving aid to reach those facing starvation, appealing to all actors with influence over the parties to halt hostilities and stop the flow of arms fueling the conflict. On his part, Fletcher seems to have highlighted the catastrophic humanitarian situation in Sudan. With 20 million people in urgent need of assistance, Sudan is one of the largest humanitarian crises in the world. In November, he visited Darfur—the epicentre of the crisis. In the Council, he appears to have emphasised the need for renewed international attention to Sudan and the importance of advancing the political process to achieve a ceasefire.

Despite the involvement of multiple actors to advance the peace process in Sudan, progress has been elusive. The latest initiative is the US-led effort to revive the peace process through the convening of a Quad meeting, comprising Egypt, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). The foreign ministers of the Quad countries issued a joint statement on 12 September calling for a humanitarian truce, for an initial three months, to enable the swift entry of humanitarian aid to all parts of Sudan, to lead immediately to a permanent ceasefire. Then, an inclusive and transparent transition process should be launched and concluded within nine months. The AU and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) issued a joint statement on 14 September, welcoming the Quad initiative and affirming its full alignment with the AU/IGAD roadmaps.

The initiative received mixed reactions from the belligerents and other Sudanese actors. The SAF rejected the initiative as biased and strongly opposed the UAE’s role in the Quad, denouncing it as an attempt to dismantle the SAF in favour of the RSF. The SAF reiterated its commitment to continue fighting until the RSF is expelled from all occupied areas. Other stakeholders also expressed mistrust, viewing the initiative as an externally driven solution and emphasising the need for Sudanese ownership of the peace process. In contrast, the RSF—widely condemned by the international community for committing mass atrocities and war crimes—appears to have made a tactical move to welcome the initiative in an effort to rehabilitate its image and expressed its readiness to engage in talks. Nonetheless, it does not appear to be committed to the talks and has reportedly violated the terms of the humanitarian truce.

In apparent elevation of US interest to engage in peace efforts at the highest levels, in November, President Donald Trump said that the U.S. would put greater focus on ending the war after being urged by the Saudi Crown Prince. In his November press briefing, Secretary of State Marco Rubio recognised the involvement of external actors in the Sudan conflict and noted ongoing engagements at the highest level to exert pressure on these actors. Despite this high-level attention, the fighting has continued to escalate with the RSF capturing further territories. While the expression of interest at the highest levels is welcomed by some, it remains far from certain that it would substantially change the conditions for peacemaking, with some pointing to Washington’s inability to sustain engagement as its recent peace efforts in DRC show and its limited leverage, considering its strategic relationships with key external actors involved in the war.

As the PSC convenes its meeting tomorrow to discuss the situation in Sudan, the Security Council is scheduled to hold an informal interactive dialogue to discuss ways and means of reinvigorating the peace process. All those involved in the peace process, including the AU and IGAD, are expected to attend the meeting and address the Council.

Amid the escalating conflict in Sudan and the resulting humanitarian and human rights crises, discussions on punitive measures are gaining momentum. Apparently, there are behind-the-scenes discussions among like-minded Security Council members regarding the possible imposition of additional sanctions. It remains to be seen whether these efforts gain any traction over the coming days and months. Meanwhile, on 20 November, the European Union imposed sanctions on Abdelrahim Dagalo, the RSF’s second-in-command. On 9 December, the US sanctioned four individuals and four entities linked to a transnational network—composed primarily of Colombian nationals and companies—that recruits former Colombian military personnel to fight for the RSF and provides training to its fighters, including children.

The expected outcome of the session is a communiqué. The PSC is expected to reiterate its grave concern over the escalating fighting in Sudan. It may condemn the atrocities being committed in the course of the escalating violence, including those perpetrated particularly by the RSF since the PSC’s last meeting. Welcoming the Fact-Finding report of the ACHPR and noting the mission undertaken by the AU Special Envoy on the Prevention of Genocide and other Mass Atrocities, the PSC may reaffirm the need for continuous documentation of the atrocities and violations being perpetrated in the course of the War in Sudan. In this respect, the PSC may request the AU Commission Chairperson to establish a standing mechanism for the monitoring, documentation and reporting of violations being perpetrated in Sudan, consisting of a team made up of the ACHPR and the Special Envoy. The PSC may also underscore that there is no military solution to the war in Sudan and urge the parties to collaborate with the initiatives for securing cessation of hostilities and the AU and IGAD-led political process for securing a political settlement in Sudan. The PSC may echo the statement of the AU Commission and IGAD on efforts by the Quad, emphasising the need for respecting the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Sudan and the cessation by external actors of supplying weapons and other resources that fuel the fire of war in Sudan. Considering its earlier decision assigning various AU entities to track and report on the source and means of supply of support exacerbating the war in Sudan and the lack of progress in this respect, the PSC may request that a former head of state of respectable standing is tasked with the role of overseeing the documentation and reporting to the PSC on the sources, actors and means of supply of support. The PSC may also urge the need for African and international actors supporting the efforts for the provision of humanitarian assistance to those in need, including by assisting Sudanese local humanitarian actors and ensuring the protection of humanitarian access and actors.

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Briefing on the situation in Sudan

Date | 3 August 2025

Tomorrow (4 August), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (AUPSC) will hold its first session of the month to consider the situation in Sudan.

The session will commence with an opening remark by Mohamed Khaled, Permanent Representative of the People’s Democratic Republic of Algeria to the AU and Chairperson of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) for August 2025. This is followed by introductory statement from Bankole Adeoye, AU Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security. A representative of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) is also expected to make a statement. It is also envisaged that the PSC receives a statement on the humanitarian situation, including access to humanitarian assistance and food insecurity, from Haneed Nuru, Director of the World Food Programme African Union Global Office. Since Sudan is suspended following the October 2021 coup that laid the foundation for the eruption of the conflict in April 2023, it would not accordingly be invited to make a statement during the session.

There have been major developments since the PSC’s last substantive session in February 2025. The frontlines of the fighting and the territorial control of the major parties to the war – the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have substantially shifted. At the end of March, the SAF succeeded in wresting control of Khartoum from RSF. On its part, the RSF expanded its offensive in May to the East by launching long-range drone attacks that targeted various cities, including Port Sudan. These attacks targeted key civilian and military infrastructure, including the international airport, a military airbase, fuel depots, and power stations.

Despite shifts in the battlefield dynamics, the warring parties remain entrenched in their positions and appear determined to pursue a military solution. As each tries to consolidate its respective areas of control and inflict loss on the other, the focus of the terrain of fighting has shifted. As a result, the fighting now appears to be shifting southward into Kordofan and eastward in Darfur. The ongoing fighting in Kordofan has reportedly resulted in the massive displacement of people and the collapse of essential services. As the RSF shifted its focus to consolidate its control in Darfur, it intensified its siege and attacks on North Darfur’s capital, El Fasher, through shelling, drone strikes, and ground operations, exacerbating the already dire humanitarian and hunger conditions in the besieged city and its environs. In July, the United Nations called on the warring parties to agree to a humanitarian pause in the besieged city. While the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) reportedly accepted the proposal, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) rejected it. Indicating further expansion of the war front, in June, the RSF claimed control of the tri-border area of Egypt, Libya, and Sudan, both to expand the supply line through Libya and extend the fighting into the Nile Valley and Northern State.

With the war showing no sign of abating, the dire humanitarian situation continues to deteriorate, as the statement from the WFP representative would make clear. Indiscriminate attacks against civilians continue. The RSF long-range drone attacks targeted not only military targets but also civilian infrastructures, including the 10 May 2025 bombing that attacked the central prison in El Obeid, reportedly resulting in the death of 29 prisoners and injuring dozens more. In an incident attributed to the SAF, the bombing on 21 June on the Al-Mujlad hospital in West Kordofan reportedly resulted in the killing of more than 40 people, including six children and five healthcare workers. Sudan remains the world’s largest humanitarian crisis, with over 30 million people in need of assistance.

As they both deepen their effort to consolidate their respective territorial control, they are also seeking to translate territorial control into political influence. SAF has regained control over parts of the east and centre of the country, including the capital, Khartoum. Meanwhile, RSF is working to consolidate its hold in the west and south, particularly in Darfur and South Kordofan. In May, General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, head of Sudan’s Transitional Sovereignty Council, appointed Kamal Idris as the new prime minister. Idris subsequently dissolved the existing government in June and is currently consulting on the formation of a new cabinet. On 26 July, the RSF-led coalition, known as the Tasis Alliance, also announced the formation of a parallel government, with RSF commander Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo appointing Mohamed Hassan al-Ta’ishi as prime minister.

Map showing areas of control and fighting from ACLED

The emergence of rival governments in the respective territorial spheres of influence of the two rival warring parties has raised renewed fears of Sudan’s potential fragmentation, drawing comparisons to the situation in Libya. It is against this backdrop that tomorrow’s session is scheduled. The UN Security Council is also set to hold closed consultations on the situation in Sudan on the same day.

Tomorrow’s session comes less than a week after the PSC issued a statement. The statement, issued on 29 July, was issued in direct response to and with exclusive focus on the 26 July 2025 announcement by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) of the establishment of a parallel civilian administration, referred to as the Sudan Founding Alliance (Tasis) in areas under its control.  This is not the first time the PSC has issued a statement condemning the RSF’s initiative for establishing a parallel government. Condemning the announcement on the establishment of such a parallel government by the RSF, in an earlier statement issued on 11 March, the PSC warned that ‘such action carries a huge risk of partitioning of the country.’ While both statements explicitly stated that the PSC does not recognise the parallel government, reaffirmed the unity and territorial integrity of Sudan and urged all AU member states and the international community not to recognise any parallel government, the 11 March statement additionally reaffirmed the AU’s ‘unwavering commitment to continue to collaborate with all Sudanese stakeholders towards finding viable and durable solutions towards silencing the guns permanently in Sudan’ on the basis of the AU roadmap (emphasis added). By contrast, in a clear departure from this ‘commitment to continue to collaborate with all Sudanese stakeholders’, the 29 July statement asserted that the ‘African Union only recognises the Transitional Sovereign Council and the recently formed civilian transitional government.’ The ‘civilian transitional government’ that this statement makes reference to is the appointment by Chairman of the Transitional Sovereign Council, General Abdel Fattah Al Burhan, Sudan Armed Forces (SAF) chief, of Kamil al-Tayeb Idris as a civilian Prime Minister. The PSC’s recognition of the so-called ‘civilian transitional government’ follows the statement of 30 May 2025 by the AU Commission Chairperson, who described the appointment of the prime minister ‘as a step towards inclusive governance’.

There are fears that this shift in the policy position of the PSC and the AUC may resuscitate the agenda of lifting the suspension of Sudan from the AU. However, there is no inclusive political process and national dialogue involving diverse political and social forces of Sudan, nor is there any transitional roadmap developed through such a political process and national dialogue. With the war raging on with no end in sight, neither national constitution-making nor general national elections are on the horizon. As the recent experience in Gabon illustrates, even with such processes and a roadmap, the constitutional order is not considered to have been restored before the convening of general national elections. As such, any lifting of the suspension of Sudan at this point could not happen without breaking the AU norm on unconstitutional change of government.

Despite the worsening security and humanitarian situation in the Sudan, ongoing mediation efforts aimed at reaching a diplomatic resolution have made limited progress, with little prospect of securing a ceasefire. The involvement of multiple actors in these initiatives has further complicated the peace process. In May, the United Nations, African Union, and the League of Arab States held a tripartite meeting in Baghdad, Iraq, aimed at promoting greater synergy in their engagement on the Sudan file. They apparently intend to include IGAD in future meetings under this format. In June, the European Union convened a consultative meeting in Brussels on enhancing coordination of peace initiatives and efforts for Sudan, bringing together several key actors involved in the peace process. The next meeting is expected to take place in Addis Ababa.

In the meantime, the United States appears to be shifting its focus to Sudan, building on its recent success in mediating between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda. It had planned to host a meeting of the Quad—comprising Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates—in Washington, D.C., on 30 July, with the aim of advancing the Sudan peace talks. However, the meeting was reportedly postponed due to disagreements over the anticipated outcome. Similarly, an earlier conference on Sudan convened by the United Kingdom in London in April failed to produce results, also due to disagreements over the terms of a joint declaration.

The ongoing conflict in Sudan has been further complicated by the involvement of external actors and the use of modern warfare technologies, including unmanned aerial vehicles. Despite the existing UN arms embargo, the flow of weapons into the country has continued unabated, fueling the violence and having a devastating impact on civilians. The conflict has also had far-reaching consequences for the broader region.

All seven of Sudan’s neighbouring countries have been affected to varying degrees. In particular, the situation in Abyei—a disputed border area between Sudan and South Sudan—has significantly worsened. The conflict has exacerbated intercommunal tensions, increased displacement, and undermined ongoing peace efforts. The spillover effect has also been evident in the presence of RSF elements across borders and a sharp increase in cross-border movements, including refugees and returnees. Recent fighting in the tri-border area of Sudan, Libya, and Egypt involving SAF, RSF, and armed groups affiliated with the Libyan National Army—led by General Khalifa Haftar—has raised concern that it could spark another regional tension.

The expected outcome of the session is a communiqué. The PSC is expected to express its grave concern over the continuation of fighting in Sudan without any sign of a major breakthrough for peace. It may reiterate its earlier calls on the imperative for ending the fighting in Sudan, calling for a ceasefire and cessation of hostilities. It may also condemn the indiscriminate attacks targeting civilians, including the incidents that led to civilian deaths in El Obeid and West Darfur, and state that those responsible for violations against civilians will be held accountable. The PSC may also call for an end to hostilities in Kordofan and the lifting of the siege that the RSF imposed on El Fasher, worsening the dire humanitarian and hunger crises in the city and its environs. It may also reiterate the imperative for unhindered and safe humanitarian access to ameliorate the humanitarian catastrophe and urge the parties to ensure civilian protection. It is expected that the PSC will restate its position expressed in the 11 March 2025 and 29 July 2025 statements, rejecting and condemning the establishment of parallel governments by the RSF and calling on all AU member states and the international community not to recognise the establishment of the parallel government announced by the RSF on 26 July 2025. While the PSC may not return to its 11 March 2025 statement in which it expressed AU’s commitment to continue to collaborate with all Sudanese stakeholders, it may make it clear that its recognition of the Transitional Sovereign Council in pursuit of safeguarding the territorial integrity of Sudan does not dispense with the need for a political process for the establishment of an all-inclusive transitional government and for finding diplomatic resolution of the current conflict. It may, in this regard, reaffirm its commitment to the May 2023 AU roadmap for the resolution of the conflict in Sudan and that there can be no military solution to the conflict in Sudan. The PSC may also affirm the need for an all-inclusive political process and national dialogue for developing a transitional roadmap, covering constitution-making and holding of general national elections, in order to achieve restoration of constitutional order, for which bringing the war to an end is essential. On the peace process, the PSC is expected to call for the integration of all initiatives for peace in Sudan into a single process. It may also call for the AU to assert a leading role in facilitating such a single peace process for Sudan.

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Consideration of the situation in Sudan

Date | 13 February 2025

Tomorrow (14 February), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will convene its 1261st session at the heads of state and government level to consider the situation in Sudan on the margins of the AU Summit.

The session will commence with an opening remark by Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, President of Equatorial Guinea and Chairperson of the Peace and Security Council (PSC) for February 2025, followed by introductory remarks of the Chairperson of the AU Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat. Ismaïl Omar Guelleh, President of the Republic of Djibouti and Chairperson of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD), Ahmed Aboul Gheit, Secretary-General of the League of Arab States and Antonio Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations are also expected to make interventions. Since Sudan is suspended following the October 2021 coup that laid the foundation for the eruption of the conflict in April 2023, it would not be invited to make a statement during the summit.

The ongoing conflict in Sudan, which is nearing its second anniversary in April 2025, has caused massive destruction, civilian casualties, and an unprecedented humanitarian disaster. The violence has taken a devastating toll on the Sudanese people, exacerbating pre-existing economic and political challenges. Most notably, the current dynamics have raised risks of the country’s division into various territories under the control of rival armed groups and the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF).

When the PSC met last on 9 October 2024 at its 1235th session to consider the report of the PSC’s field mission to Port Sudan requested for the implementation of the Jeddah Declaration of 11 May 2023. It also demanded that the parties to the conflict ensured a safe and unhindered access to the population in need and particularly demanded the RSF urgently lifts the siege on El Fasher.

The developments that have unfolded since then have seen intensified military confrontation with the SAF and RSF engaging in fierce territorial battles. The SAF has made significant advances, regaining several parts of central Sudan, including parts of Khartoum, lifting a months-long siege on its general command headquarters. As the SAF is moving to establish a new government, Taqaddum, one of Sudan’s largest civilian alliances that is accused of supporting RSF, also recently announced its split over differences over the formation of a parallel government. The fragmentation of civilian alliances, along with the fragmentation of armed groups that is underway, further complicates prospects for a political resolution. Moreover, despite the changes in the battlefield dynamics that currently seem to favour SAF in some areas, a decisive military victory for either side remains unlikely. Given that both sides remain bent on continuing fighting, Sudan remains faced with the perpetuation of a protracted war. Most worryingly, this also pushes Sudan ever closer to the worst-case scenarios of fragmentation (Libya scenario) or collapse (Somalia scenario). This danger has become more imminent following the declaration of SAF to amend the constitutional declaration of 2019 to give more power to the military-dominated Sovereign Council and form a government headed by a prime minister and RSF’s declaration for forming a government in areas under its control. Given Sudan’s strategic location, its collapse or division would have far-reaching consequences across the Lake Chad, Great Lakes, North Africa, and Horn of Africa regions. The stakes for the heads of state and government of the PSC meeting tomorrow could not, therefore, be higher and more pressing.

The humanitarian crisis has also deteriorated significantly, with more than 14 million internally displaced and more than half of the Sudanese population requiring urgent assistance. Blocked access to humanitarian corridors also remains a major challenge, preventing critical food and medical aid from reaching affected populations. Famine conditions have been confirmed in multiple areas, including IDP camps in North Darfur and the Western Nuba Mountains in South Kordofan. Reports indicate that only 25% of health facilities remain operational, heightening the risk of disease outbreaks and compounding the already dire humanitarian crisis.

Reports indicate both warring parties have committed grave human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, torture, sexual violence, and ethnic-targeted attacks, particularly in Darfur and Al-Jazirah states. In a statement issued on 29 October, the AU Special Envoy on the Prevention of Genocide, Adama Dieng, expressed deep concerns over escalating violence, including mass killings, summary executions, abductions, and sexual violence, warning that the full scale of atrocities remains obscured due to a telecommunications blackout. A significant development in recognition of the widespread human rights violations has been the U.S. government’s determination that the RSF has committed acts of genocide. In light of these, tomorrow’s session may wish to follow up on a previous decision it passed in its 1213th session, for the AU High-Level Panel on Sudan to directly engage with the AU Special Envoy for the Prevention of Genocide, Adama Dieng, to develop proposals on how to address ongoing atrocities and develop a plan for the protection of civilians.

In light of the urgency for operationalising PSC decisions on ensuring the protection of civilians, there is a need for the PSC to facilitate the effective functioning of the Special Envoy on the Prevention of Genocide and Other Atrocities by tasking him to take the responsibility of monitoring and reporting on civilian protection challenges for identifying ways and means of mitigating the challenges. The PSC may also accord Sudanese local actors engaged in facilitating humanitarian support diplomatic recognition and urge their protection from attacks and support by the international community by channelling support to them as well as ensuring that they are protected from violent attacks. It may also specifically consider putting in place an internationally monitored humanitarian corridor to halt the expansion of famine and ensure that those in need have access to life-saving humanitarian support.

Multiple regional and international actors have attempted to mediate the conflict, yet no effective peace process has as yet emerged. The AU itself has deployed multiple diplomatic mechanisms, but all these efforts have largely remained ineffective to change the course of events in the fighting in Sudan and in ameliorating the plight of Sudanese caught up in the crossfire of the raging war.

The latest initiative of the PSC, the Ad Hoc Committee of Five Heads of State and Government also fell into paralysis, with some of the members of the Committee either rejected by one of the parties or perceived to be partisan in the ongoing conflict. The resulting stalling of the Committee’s operation has undermined confidence in its role as an important body. This necessitates that the PSC considers to reconstitute the presidential ad hoc committee.

On this proliferation and fragmentation of the peace process, the PSC, in its 1218th session, reiterated its concern about the proliferation of mediation initiatives and emphasised the need for enhanced coordination and complementarity of peace efforts through AU-established coordinating mechanisms. In late January 2025, Mauritania, the current AU chair, hosted the third consultative meeting aimed at enhancing coordination of peace efforts for Sudan with the UN, AU, EU, IGAD, the League of Arab States, and key state actors like Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and the U.S. Yet, the coordination mechanism’s very ad hoc and sporadic convenings and the lack of shared strategy anchoring continues to impede its role of facilitating coherence and coordination of various initiatives for halting the war and facilitating peace in Sudan. In the light of this, the PSC may consider changing the current arrangement and constitute a more functional and effective framework. One option for this could be the establishment of an International Contact Group of Sudan as a mechanism that would facilitate coordination, enhance diplomatic leverage and align peace efforts. This mechanism, anchored on a shared strategy crafted by drawing on the AU roadmap, would streamline actions by various international actors, ensuring a unified approach toward achieving a ceasefire, improving humanitarian access and advancing peace negotiations.

Another critical issue that has been complicating the conflict’s resolution has been foreign involvement on either side of the parties to the conflict. The 1218th PSC session had directed the Sub Committee on sanction to collaborate with the AU Commission and Committee of Intelligence and Security Services (CISSA) to ‘identify all external actors supporting the warring factions militarily, financially and politically, as well as make proposals on how to contain each of them within a stipulated timeframe.’ While the initial timeframe, set to three months, was due in September 2024, the Council is yet to receive the proposals. In this context as well, one of the factors that seem to get in the way of delivering on this mandate is the level of sensitivity of the matter and the fact that both the AU Commission and CISSA are constrained by political sensitivities. As such, the Summit may seek to establish a high-level task force headed by a credible former head of state and task it to investigate, document,  and report the sources and channels of supply to the Council. The task force could also mobilise diplomatic and institutional pressure and action on foreign actors supplying arms and finances to the warring parties.

The expected outcome of tomorrow’s session is a communique. The PSC may express its deep concern about the deepening fighting and its consequences for the unity and territorial integrity of Sudan and for the peace and stability of the region. It may reiterate its call for an urgent cessation of hostilities and, in light of the upcoming Muslim holy month of Ramadan, which is set to begin on the first of March, call on parties to the conflict to observe a total humanitarian ceasefire throughout the month of Ramadan. The PSC may decide to establish a high-level task force headed by a credible former head of state and task it to investigate, document and report the sources and channels of supply to the Council. It may also decide to establish an International Contact Group of Sudan as a mechanism that would facilitate coordination, enhance diplomatic leverage and align peace efforts. The PSC may additionally decide to reconstitute the presidential ad hoc committee by confining the membership to countries that are not neighbours of and geographically far from Sudan and requesting its activation within three weeks period. Given the famine conditions threatening the lives of people in the affected areas, the PSC may call for the establishment of an internationally monitored humanitarian corridor. Council may call for the task the AU Commission to prepare a plan for the deployment of a humanitarian ceasefire monitoring mechanism. The Council may also call for the restoration of the national telecommunication networks as part of the urgent measures for the protection of civilians.

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Briefing on the situation in Sudan

Date | 24 September 2024

Tomorrow (25 September), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will convene its 1233rd session at the ministerial level. Apart from the initial agenda for the ministerial session, the situation in Sudan has been added to the session’s agenda.

The session commences with the opening statement of the Minister of External Relations of the Republic of Cameroon and Chairperson of the PSC for the month of September 2024, Lejeune Mbella Mbella. AU Commission Chairperson, Moussa Faki Mahamat, is expected to deliver a briefing. During the deliberation and following intervention from member states, the Chairperson of the AU High-Level Panel on Sudan and AU High Representative for Silencing the Guns, Mohamed Ibn Chambas, is slated to respond.

The last time the PSC discussed the situation in Sudan was during its 1228th session on 19 August 2024. Earlier in May, the PSC specifically addressed the situation in Darfur following the escalation of armed conflict and the imminent threat of violent capture of El Fasher, the capital of North Darfur. In that session, the PSC expressed grave concern over the situation unfolding around El Fasher and reiterated the call of the Chairperson of the AU Commission for the parties to ‘return to the local truce that spared El Fasher from the worst of the fighting for a year, and to lift the current siege on the city that led to more atrocities and difficulties for civilians as well as to return to an expanded negation platform in Jeddah without delay.’ In addition, the PSC requested for the AU High-Level Panel to directly engage with the Special Envoy for the Prevention of Genocide, Adam Dieng to develop proposals on how to address ongoing atrocities and to prevent further escalation in Darfur, as well as to develop a plan for the protection of civilians. It also tasked the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights to urgently investigate the human rights situation in El Fasher and other areas in Darfur and to report back to the Council.

What prompted the introduction of the situation in Sudan as a new agenda item of the PSC under the 1233rd session was the grave situation in North Darfur, particularly El Fasher. Following the outbreak of fighting between the Sudan Armed Forces (SAF)and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in April 2023 which led to the capturing of Darfur by the RSF following the spread of the war to Darfur, North Darfur’s capital city, El Sasher, remained to be the only city in Darfur that remained outside of RSF control. One of the factors for keeping this city outside RSF control was the truce that had been brokered by local authorities leading to the freezing of the fighters of warring parties where they are, with local armed groups committing to remain neutral.

Since the launch of an offensive by the RSF for capturing the city on 10 May 2024, El Fasher has become a sight of major fighting, with the RSF imposing a siege on the city. After some slowing down of the intensity of the fighting following mounting pressure from various quarters, including the statement the PSC issued on 21 May 2024, reports have emerged that large-scale fighting escalated in El Fasher city on 12 September.

Indicating RSF’s push for forcibly capturing the city, it was reported that the city faced a major multidirectional RSF attack from the northern, eastern, and southern directions. Despite the resistance of SAF and allied forces and their proclaimed success in repelling some attacks, a report confirmed that RSF has succeeded in breaching ‘SAF’s first layer of defensive berms on 19 September 2024.’ If the fighting is not halted and the RSF violently captures the city, it is feared that El Fasher will face the same fate that befell El Genina but with a much larger scale toll on the civilian population in the city particularly on the non-Arab communities and a large number of IDPs housed in the city.

El Fasher is home to over 2 million residents and IDPs from various parts of Darfur states. These include hundreds of thousands of internally displaced people at risk of famine, including in the Zamzam camp where famine has been confirmed. The escalation of violence in El Fasher following the renewed offensive by RSF has involved indiscriminate shelling of civilian areas and the perpetration of various atrocities. These include the bombing of residential areas and hospitals, leading to the destruction of the city’s five main hospitals and its only dialysis centre. Attacks on IDP camps, including the shelling of Abu Shouk and Al Salaam, have been reported.

Apart from the grave atrocities that the escalation of violence, prompted by the RSF offensive, exposes civilians particularly the non-Arab communities including those in IDP camps, the fighting will further aggravate the catastrophic famine condition confirmed by the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) Famine Review Committee (FRC). On 1 August, the FRC determined that famine conditions were present in the Zamzam camp for internally displaced persons (IDPs) located near El Fasher, capital of North Darfur state, which houses approximately 500,000 people, and are expected to persist through October. The report noted that similar conditions are likely to prevail in other IDP sites in the El Fasher locality, notably in the Abu Shouk and Al Salam camps.

The recent upsurge in fighting has led to the death of civilians and the displacement of thousands of others. The ‘unprecedented large-scale combat operations’ in El-Fasher were reported to involve both the army and the RSF. The army’s resort to the use of indiscriminate air attacks has also resulted in civilian violence. According to one report, current levels of fighting ‘are likely to effectively reduce what is left of El Fasher to rubble.’

The atrocities that the renewed fighting in El Fasher occasioned and the risk of further atrocities have prompted heightened levels of grave concern about the situation. The Secretary General of the UN issued a statement expressing grave alarm about reports of a full-scale assault on El Fasher by the RSF. Similarly, on 20 September, the UN Special Advisor on the Prevention of Genocide expressed grave concern. The Special Advisor in particular observed ‘[t]he recent escalation of hostilities has unleashed a maelstrom of violence that threatens to consume everything in its path, leaving a trail of devastation and despair in its wake.’

The expected outcome of the session is a communiqué. The PSC is expected to express its grave concern about the fighting in El Fasher and the violations of IHL and human rights laws being perpetrated by the warring parties. The PSC may condemn indiscriminate shelling by the RSF and the bombings by the SAF that led to death and destruction in parts of the city. It may remind the parties that they bear responsibility for all acts of violence and will be held criminally accountable. It may underscore that civilian infrastructure including hospitals and IDP camps are protected by IHL and human rights law from being attacked and urge the parties to desist from the deplorable acts of targeting hospitals and IDP camps. The PSC may demand the RSF to immediately cease its attacks and the siege it laid on the city of El Fasher as a pre-requisite for enabling lifesaving humanitarian assistance for people facing famine in El Fasher and its environs and preventing the perpetration of further mass atrocities and the destruction of the city.  The PSC may underscore the imperative for a return to the local truce that spared El Fasher from heavy fighting, thereby protecting the more than 2 million civilians including the hundreds of thousands of IDPs sheltered in the city. The PSC may reiterate the call from its 21 May 2024 statement for ‘the warring parties to ensure humanitarian access to the population in need, in Darfur and elsewhere in Sudan.’ It may also reiterate its call for investigations into the various acts of violence perpetrated in and around El Fasher. Considering the dire state of the situation and the urgency of protection of civilians, the PSC may call for the urgent establishment of a civilian protection mechanism taking the form of non-military monitors who promote measures for reinstating the local truce and facilitating, in coordination with local communities, activities that ameliorate the suffering of the civilian population and promote humanitarian access, pending the deployment of a civilian protection force as soon as conditions allow.

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Briefing on the situation in Sudan

Date | 18 August 2024

Tomorrow (19 August), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will convene its 1228th session to discuss the situation in Sudan.

The Permanent Representative of Botswana to the AU and Chairperson of the PSC for the month of August 2024, Tebelelo A. Boang will deliver opening remarks. Bankole Adeoye, AU Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS) is also expected to make a statement. Mohamed Ibn Chambas, Chairperson of the AU High-Level Panel on Sudan and AU High Representative for Silencing the Guns in Africa will also deliver a briefing which will be followed by a statement by the representative of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

The last time the PSC discussed Sudan was at its 1218th meeting on 21 June held at the Heads of State and Government level in which it directed the AU Commission Chairperson to urgently set up a PSC Ad–hoc Presidential Committee comprising one Head of State and Government from each region of the continent led by Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, President of Uganda and PSC Chairperson for June 2024. The establishment of the Ad–hoc Presidential Committee aims to bring the weight of the wider AU membership to bear on the leaders of the warring parties towards facilitating a face-to-face engagement between them. Apart from following up on the implementation of the outcome of its 1218th session, tomorrow’s session is expected to review the state of the diplomatic efforts towards peace in Sudan. An important aspect of the focus of the session would be on the work of the AU High-Level Panel on Sudan.

In his update, it is expected that the Chair of the AU High-Level Panel, Chambas, will provide an update on the work done thus far. Following the listening tour of the Panel for engaging Sudanese actors and neighbouring countries, the focus of the Panel has been on preparing for an inclusive inter-Sudanese political dialogue. It is to be recalled that the PSC at its 1209th session tasked the Panel as part of the process for the convening of the political dialogue to convene ‘the preparatory/planning process’ in collaboration with IGAD and neighbouring states.

Since then, the Panel together with the IGAD Special Envoy for Sudan convened the preparatory meeting for an Inter-Sudanese Political Dialogue in Addis Ababa from 10-15 July 2024. While the plan was to engage Sudanese political and civilian actors on principles to guide the dialogue, the agenda or issues to be on the agenda of the political dialogue, criteria for participation/or representation in the political dialogue and the venue of the inter-Sudanese political dialogue. A significant portion of Sudanese political and civilian forces, who expressed reservations about the inadequacy of consultations in preparing the preparatory meeting and the lack of transparency about the list of participants, boycotted the meeting. Despite this setback, the meeting was conducted with those present at the AU headquarters. Upon the conclusion of the meeting, the participants submitted their recommendations on the convening of the inter-Sudanese dialogue. Recognising the need for engaging other Sudanese stakeholders, Chambas in his remark at the closing of the meeting noted that ‘this particular meeting is one in a series of consultations’ rather than the one preparatory meeting initially expected. Explaining further, he indicated that ‘this will be followed by consultations with Taqqdum, SLM Abdul Wahid, SPLM-North Al Hilu, the Radical Block and others.’

Preparatory meeting to launch an Inter-Sudanese Political Dialogue, 10-15 July 2024 (Source: @AUC_PAPS)

As a follow-up to the foregoing and following the consultations, another round of preparatory meeting was convened from 9-12 August. This round brought together Sudanese civil and political actors that did not participate in the initial convening including representatives of Taqadum, SPLM-North Al Hilu, SLM Abdul Wahid, Ba’ath Party, DUP, and PCP. Following three days of meeting, Tagadum, the DUP and the PCP prepared and submitted a joint document containing their recommendations on the agenda, participation/representation, the phases of the dialogue and the role of the mediator and the international community in the inter-Sudanese dialogue. The armed movements SPLM-North Al Hilu and SLM Abdul Wahid did not sign this joint document.

Consultations towards the convening of the Inter-Sudanese Political Dialogue, 9-12 August 2024 (Source: @AUC_PAPS)

At the conclusion of the second preparatory meeting, Chambas indicated that the outcome document from this consultation would be synthesised with the outcomes of other consultations to develop the guiding principles, possible agenda and criteria of representation. Considering the differences between the group that participated in the initial meeting and the group in the latest preparatory meeting, there is an expectation on the Panel from some of the participants that the Panel would put forward a bridging proposal to the civilian and political actors based on a synthesis of the proposals presented to it from the two rounds.

Apart from the activities of the AU High-Level Panel, it would also be of interest for members of the PSC to be updated on the status of other diplomatic efforts including those led by the Personal Envoy of the UN Secretary-General and the ceasefire talks being held in Geneva. The UN Secretary-General’s Personal Envoy for Sudan Ramtane Lamamra convened the Sudanese warring parties for proximity talks in Geneva from 11 and 19 July 2024.  According to a press release on 19 July 2024, the Personal Envoy and his team had around 20 sessions with the parties, including technical and plenary meetings. Lamamra characterised the meeting as an encouraging initial step in what is likely to be a longer and more complex mediation process. He expressed his intentions to remain in close contact with them to follow up on the implementation of commitments made and address critical issues.

In addition to Lamamra’s ongoing efforts, the US invited the Sudanese parties to participate in ceasefire talks scheduled for 14 August in Geneva. This followed the apparent suspension of the US-Saudi facilitated talks in Jeddah in December 2023 apparently because of the failure of the parties to implement the commitments made as part of the talks, including confidence-building measures and the withdrawal of military forces from key cities.

Opening Session of the US-led Ceasefire Talks Co-hosted by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Switzerland in Geneva. 14 August 2024

The US-led Geneva talks, which will be co-sponsored by Saudi Arabia and Switzerland and involve the African Union, the United Nations, Egypt, and the United Arab Emirates as observers, intend to facilitate a nationwide cessation of violence to allow humanitarian access to all those in need and develop a robust monitoring and verification mechanism to ensure the implementation of any agreement. The leader of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemeti) welcomed the invitation and expressed his commitment to participate constructively in the talks. The leader of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) Abdel Fettah al-Burhan had also accepted the invitation on the condition that ‘any negotiations before … full withdrawal and an end to expansion (by the RSF) will not be acceptable to the Sudanese people,’ according to media reports. Later on, however, he appears to have backtracked on this after surviving a drone strike while on a military graduation ceremony at the Sudanese army base in eastern Sudan that reportedly left at least five people killed. The US Secretary of State Antony Blinken spoke to Al-Burhan on the phone on 5 August 2024 and urged him to attend the talks. Al-Burhan subsequently sent his delegations to Jeddah for consultations with the US but the meeting reportedly ended without any agreement on SAF’s participation at the Geneva talks. On 14 August, it was reported that Burhan ruled out ceasefire talks until the withdrawal of RSF from the cities it occupies. Despite sending delegations and declaring this as a testament to its commitment, the RSF delegation was not present at the start of the talks on 14 August. One significant development during the Geneva engagement is the announcement made on 17 August regarding the decision by the Sovereign Council of Sudan and commitments made by the RSF concerning humanitarian access. A joint statement by the international delegation highlighted the recent decision by the Sovereign Council of Sudan to open a border crossing from Chad to Nonn Danur via Adre for the next three months and the commitments made by the RSF to allow for humanitarian delivery through Dabbah, providing aid to Darfur and Kordofan. This marks progress in addressing the needs of the 25 million Sudanese requiring humanitarian assistance.

The setbacks that the Geneva talks faced underscores the importance of the role of the AU ad hoc Committee of Heads of State and Government on Sudan and the imperative for its activation. It would therefore be of particular interest for the PSC to be updated on the next steps towards the activation of the Committee for leveraging the voice and diplomatic weight of AU members from the five regions of the continent towards peace in Sudan.

As the PSC pointed out in its 1218th session, the proliferation of various mediation initiatives to resolve the Sudanese conflict has been an ongoing issue in the Sudanese peace process underscoring the need to ensure the necessary coordination and harmonisation of efforts. On 27 May 2023, the PSC adopted its roadmap for the resolution of the conflict in Sudan which, among other things, outlined the need for the establishment of a coordination mechanism to ensure all efforts by the regional and global actors are harmonised and impactful. In this regard, the importance of a single, inclusive, and consolidated peace process for Sudan, coordinated under the joint auspices of the AU, IGAD, League of Arab States, and UN, along with like-minded partners was emphasised. The AU Commission Chairperson established the expanded mechanism on Sudan and its Core Group as an inclusive platform for regional, continental, and global actors and institutions to ensure broad-based, coordinated engagement aimed at fostering political consensus and unified global support for Sudan. However, the lack of periodicity and shared plan as well as a common strategy that anchors it, the role and effectiveness of the expanded mechanism are surrounded by a cloud of uncertainty.

On 12 June, the League of Arab States convened a consultative group meeting in Cairo to facilitate an exchange of views among the various stakeholders engaged in the Sudanese peace process and draw lessons from different peace initiatives, good offices, and mediation efforts. On 24 July, Djibouti hosted the second consultative group meeting which was followed by the Mediators Planning Retreat on Sudan on 25 and 26 July. The retreat, which was proposed by Ramtane Lamamra, emphasised the need for a more coordinated and collaborative multilateral approach to move toward ending the Sudanese conflict. It also stressed the shared and differentiated responsibilities of existing multilateral coordination mechanisms and the recognition of their continued role and comparative advantages.

The expected outcome of the session is a communiqué. The PSC is expected to commend the High-Level Panel for the convening of the preparatory meetings towards the holding of the inter-Sudanese political dialogue. It may underscore the need for sustaining the momentum by investing in consultations to achieve consensus on the key elements of the convening of the political dialogue and mobilise wider support and engagement by all Sudanese civilian and political actors. It may request that the necessary technical backstopping for the effective conduct of the political dialogue including the development of the mediation process and strategy for the dialogue are put in place. The PSC may take note of the mediation initiatives deployed by various stakeholders, commend these efforts and urge for their fortified coordination and harmonisation to enhance their impact. In light of recent events, the Council may welcome the announcement of the opening up of borders to allow for humanitarian access.  It may also reiterate the need for enhanced coordination and to this end may call for the revitalisation of the expanded mechanism. The PSC may request that the ad hoc committee of heads of state and government be activated to harness its political weight to address the lack of progress in talks between the warring parties. The PSC is also expected to express grave concern over the continuingly deteriorating humanitarian situation and urge the conflicting parties and all relevant actors to prioritise addressing the pressing humanitarian needs, including mainly through securing and enabling humanitarian access to affected populations for containing the famine that was declared in Darfur and preventing the emergence of famine in other areas.

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Consideration of the situation in Sudan

Date | 20 June 2024

Tomorrow (21 June), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) is expected to convene its 1218th session at the level of Heads of State and Government to consider the situation in Sudan. This will be the second time Uganda has convened a summit-level session on Sudan during its chairship of the PSC since the conflict erupted in April 2023, the first being held last year in May.

Uganda’s President and chairperson of the PSC for the month of June, Yoweri Kaguta Museveni, is expected to preside over the session. The Chairperson of the AU Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat, and Mohamed Ibn Chambas, the chair of the AU High-Level Panel on Sudan and High Representative for Silencing the Guns, are expected to brief the PSC. António Guterres, Secretary-General of the United Nations (UN), Workneh Gebeyehu, Executive Secretary of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), and Ahmed Aboul Gheit, Executive Secretary of the League of Arab States (LAS) are also anticipated to deliver statements.

Tomorrow’s session is expected to discuss the state of the stalling regional and international diplomatic efforts to end the conflict. It is likely that the PSC will hear from the High-Level Panel on the efforts to the convening of an ‘all-inclusive inter-Sudanese dialogue.’ As per a briefing note prepared for the 1209th session, the Panel has developed a three-pronged approach to address the situation in Sudan: shuttle diplomacy with various stakeholders to mobilise support; enhanced coordination with partners and regional organisations to consolidate mediation efforts and avoid duplication; and convening an inclusive inter-Sudanese political dialogue focusing on ending the conflict and charting a course for the future of the country.

This dialogue, intended to complement the Jeddah Process, is envisaged to proceed in two phases: the planning phase and the main phase. The planning phase is expected to address a variety of issues that will set the tone for the main phase, including the categories of entities or individuals to be invited, quotas of representation, agenda, structure of management of the dialogue, venue, date, funding and logistics, and the role of the international community. Since its last update to the PSC, a major development that the Panel is expected to highlight concerns its plan for holding a preparatory meeting. The Panel has sent out invitations to Sudanese civilian forces for a preparatory meeting to be held on 10-15 July 2024 that is meant to pave the way for the convening of ‘all-inclusive inter-Sudanese Dialogue’. Some of those who received the invitation are sounding alarm that there was no adequate consultation such as on the invitation extended to the representatives of the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF).

One of the challenges for the peace process in Sudan is the plethora of initiatives for peace, with overlapping, if not competing, engagements and initiatives. Apart from spreading thinly diplomatic resources and giving rise to ‘forum shopping,’ the diversity of, and at times competing, initiatives are undermining the effectiveness of regional and international engagements. Apart from the proposed preparatory meeting in Addis Ababa scheduled to begin on 9 July, for which the AU Panel sent out invitations, it is reported that a conference for Sudanese political forces is expected to be hosted in Egypt at the end of June 2024.

Despite expectations for the resumption of the Jeddah process with expanded participation of key regional actors, it remains in abeyance with facilitators not getting a commitment for decisive negotiation from both parties. On his part, the UN Special Envoy for Sudan, Ramtane Lamamra, has continued with his consultations including for the convening of the major actors involved in peace efforts in Sudan including on how to enhance coordination and joint efforts. The only notable recent international convening for peace on Sudan was concluded on 12 June 2024 in Cairo, Egypt hosted by the LAS. The consultative meeting was attended by, among others, representatives of AU, UN, IGAD, the European Union (EU), the Kingdom of Bahrain, the Islamic Republic of Mauritania and the Republic of Djibouti, in which it concluded with a communiqué.

On the part of the civilian actors, there were two developments worth highlighting. On 8 May 2024, the SAF-aligned political coalition ‘National Forces Coordination’, which comprises some 48 political and civil groups, signed a political Charter in Cairo, Egypt, proposing a non-partisan transitional government with a joint military-civilian Sovereign Council after the conflict, while a Sudanese-Sudanese dialogue is envisaged to determine the form and system of governance for the country. Meanwhile, the other civil coalition known as Taqadum, which claims neutrality between warring parties, convened its founding conference in Addis Ababa on 27 May 2024. Attended by more than six hundred participants, the conference outlined its political vision to end the conflict, approved its bylaws and structure, and elected former Prime Minister, Abdalla Hamdok, as the head of Taqadum.

The other aspect of the situation in Sudan that tomorrow’s session is expected to pay particular attention to is the state of the war and its humanitarian consequences. The last time the PSC considered the situation in Sudan on its programme was on 21 May 2024, during its 1213th session, which came against the backdrop of escalating violence around El Fasher, North Darfur—the last major town in Darfur not under the control of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). In a press statement adopted at the session, the PSC not only raised the alarm over the ‘increasing likelihood of grave atrocities’ but also took specific decisions aimed at mitigating the impact of the war on civilians and ensuring accountability. Most specifically, the PSC requested ‘the African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights to urgently investigate the human rights violations in El Fasher and other areas in Darfur.’ It also requested the AU High-Level Panel on Sudan to ‘work with the newly-appointed AU Special Envoy for the Prevention of Genocide to develop proposals on how to address ongoing atrocities, prevent further escalation in Darfur, and develop a plan for the protection of civilians.’ Reiterating the statement issued by the Chairperson of the AU Commission on 26 April 2024, the PSC also urged the warring parties to return to the local truce in El Fasher, lift the siege on the city, and return to an expanded negotiation platform in Jeddah.

Tomorrow’s session is expected to focus on receiving updates on the situation in the country since the last meeting. The discussion is expected to review the state of, and challenges faced in the implementation of the Roadmap for the resolution of the conflict in Sudan that the PSC adopted during the last summit-level meeting in May 2023, and explore further steps that should be taken to address the escalating situation.

The fighting between SAF and the RSF continues to rage in various parts of the country. Despite the call from AU and the UN to halt the offensive on El Fasher, the city and its surrounding areas have become a site of major fighting and atrocities. El Fasher has continued to experience atrocious violence targeting civilians that is reminiscent of some of the brutal atrocities inflicted on West Darfur last year and the genocidal violence that Darfur experienced two decades ago. In a statement issued on 5 June 2024, the Special Advisor of the UN Secretary-General on the Prevention of Genocide, Alice Wairimu Nderitu, noting the displacement of an estimated 130,000 people due to the fighting in El Fasher, expressed ‘serious concern’ over reports of ethnically motivated attacks against the non-Arab communities in and near the city, including by the RSF and their allied militias, while also noting reports of retaliatory attacks targeted against Arab civilians in the region. She raised the alarm that ‘risk factors and indicators for genocide and related crimes are present, and the risks are increasing.’

Against these worrying developments in North Darfur, the UN Security Council adopted Resolution 2736 (2023) on 13 June, demanding that the RSF halts the siege of El Fasher and calling for an immediate cessation of the fighting and de-escalation in and around the city. The Council demanded that all parties to the conflict have to ensure that civilians are protected, and further requested them to allow and facilitate the ‘rapid, safe, unhindered and sustainable passage’ of humanitarian relief for civilians. The Council also asked the UN Secretary-General, in consultation with the Sudanese authorities and regional stakeholders, to make recommendations for the protection of civilians in Sudan. However, a day after the adoption of the resolution, intense fighting was reported in the city, reportedly claiming the life of Ali Yaqoub Gibril, RSF operation commander in North Darfur.

The violence was not limited to the Darfur region but also escalated across several other areas including Khartoum, Al Jazirah, Kordofan, and White Nile. In one major incident of violence in Jazirah, at least 150 civilians, including at least 35 children were killed on 5 June amid attacks on the capital Wad al Nourah, prompting the Chairperson of the AU Commission to issue a statement on 7 June, condemning the ‘massacre’ in the ‘strongest terms’.

As of 10 May 2024, the conflict in Sudan has reportedly killed 16,650 people since its eruption on 15 April 2023, according to the Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED). It has also created the worst humanitarian crises in the world, displacing 10 million people, leaving more than 25 million (half of the population)—of whom over 14 million children—in need of humanitarian aid. At least 5 million people are ‘teetering on the brink of starvation,’ with more than 40 hunger hotspots at a high risk of slipping into famine in the coming month. If the war continues to escalate, it is not clear how it would not push the current dire situation into humanitarian catastrophe.

The fast-worsening humanitarian situation in Sudan is not the only concern for the AU and the wider international community, rather, of equal concern is the grave threat that the continuation of the war poses to regional and international peace and security. Despite the fact that neither the SAF nor the RSF stand a chance to achieve military victory, there is no sign of the war coming to an end. Weapons and funds channelled from those backing the two sides have continued to fuel the raging fire of the brutal war. As a result, there are growing concerns that the persistence of the war could precipitate the fragmentation and/or collapse of Sudan. In her briefing to the UN Security Council on 18 June, UN Assistant Secretary-General for Africa, Martha Pobee, warned that ‘Without swift action, Sudan risks becoming engulfed in more ethnic violence and fragment even further.’

With many conflict-affected neighbouring states, Sudan’s fragmentation (Libya scenario) or collapse (Somalia scenario) is sure to have a knock-on effect on these countries, for some with dire consequences. Considering Sudan’s location, its collapse is also sure to reverberate across parts of Lake Chad, Great Lakes, North Africa and the Horn of Africa regions. As the experience of Somalia also showed, the consequences of Sudan’s fragmentation or collapse are unlikely to be confined inland. It is inevitable to spill over into the Red Sea, with grave consequences to international maritime trade and economic stability. The vacuum that the deterioration of the situation in Sudan creates may end up attracting terrorist networks from the Sahel and Horn of Africa as well as from beyond Africa.

The expected outcome is a communiqué. The PSC is expected to express its grave concern over the escalating violence in and around North Darfur and other regions of Sudan, as well as the dire humanitarian situation in the country. The PSC may welcome the adoption of UN Security Council resolution 2736 and reiterate its call for the RSF to lift the siege of El Fasher and immediately halt the fighting in and around the city. It may particularly express its concern over the worrying trend of grave human rights violations by the warring parties, who are disregarding international human rights and humanitarian laws. The PSC may strongly condemn the recent killings of civilians in Wad al Nourah, Gezira State, echoing the statement from the AU Commission Chairperson on 7 June 2024. In this regard, it may follow up on its previous decisions adopted at its 1213th session to address the escalation of atrocities and hold perpetrators accountable. Other measures that the PSC may take include the establishment of a) internationally monitored humanitarian corridors for preventing further humanitarian catastrophe b) a mechanism for monitoring, documenting and reporting on compliance with international humanitarian law c) disengagement from hostilities in major civilian population centres supervised by a joint monitoring mechanism of the AU, IGAD and LAS supported by the UN, and d) heads of state and government level ad hoc Committee to mobilize and leverage the collective weight of AU member states for bringing the warring parties to the negotiating table. The PSC may also urge the warring parties to immediately and unconditionally return to the expanded Jeddah platform.

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Briefing on the Situation in Sudan https://amaniafrica-et.org/briefing-on-the-situation-in-sudan-april-18-2024/ https://amaniafrica-et.org/briefing-on-the-situation-in-sudan-april-18-2024/#respond Wed, 17 Apr 2024 08:06:50 +0000 https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=17461 17 April 2024

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Briefing on the Situation in Sudan

Date | 17 April 2024

Tomorrow (April 18), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will convene its 1209th session on the situation in Sudan.

The session will commence with an opening statement by Jainaba Jange, Permanent Representative of the Republic of The Gambia to the AU and stand-in Chairperson of the PSC for the month. This is followed by introductory remarks from Bankole Adeoye, Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS). It is envisaged that Mohammed Ibn Chambas, AU High Representative for Silencing the Guns and Chair of the AU High Level Panel on Sudan will deliver the briefing. Additionally, representatives of the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) and Ramtane Lamamra, Personal Envoy of the United Nations (UN) Secretary-General for Sudan are also expected to make statements.

Indicating lack of sustained engagement on the part of the PSC, the last substantive PSC convening was in November 2023 during which the PSC decided on the establishment of an ad hoc High-Level Panel on Sudan, after months of calls for such a standing mechanism dedicated to the Sudan file on a fulltime basis. In line with the Communique of the 1185th meeting of the PSC, the AU Commission Chairperson finally acted on the PSC decision with the appointment of the High-Level Panel comprising of Dr Mohamed Ibn Chambas, chair of the Panel and  Dr Specioza Wandira-Kazibwe, Former Vice President of the Republic of Uganda and Ambassador Fransisco Madeira, Former Special Representative of the Chairperson to Somalia and Head of AU Transition Mission in Somalia (ATMIS).

It is anticipated that tomorrow’s session will focus on three major issues. The first one concerns the current state of the conflict situation in Sudan. The second area relates to the current state of the various initiatives for the resolution of the conflict. This would cover activities undertaken by the AU Ad Hoc Panel. Considering the grave humanitarian situation that the war has induced, the third area that warrants PSC’s attention in tomorrow’s meeting would be the dire humanitarian situation in Sudan and ways to mitigate this crisis including the role that the AU brings to bear in this respect.

A year into the outbreak of the war, there is no indication of any slowing down of the fighting between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Between 26 October and 4 November 2023, RSF and its allied forces gained ground, claiming to seize control of South Darfur capital Nyala (the second largest city), Central Darfur capital Zalingei, and El Geneina of West Darfur. During the last quarter of the year, the war expanded beyond Khartoum, Darfur and South Kordofan as RSF marched on Wad Medani, Gezira state, launched new offensive on South Kordofan and initiated fighting in Gedaref and the White Nile regions.

Highlighting that the two sides are locked down in a battle for dominance and to resolve their contest through fighting, as RSF’s campaign expands its territorial reach, particularly into Eastern Sudan lost momentum, the SAF has since January been on a counteroffensive in an attempt to regain lost territories in Omdurman and Gezira. Relying significantly on its airpower bolstered by combat drones, reportedly supplied by Iran, the SAF’s counter-offensive delivered some success as it recaptured territories in Omdurman.

Indications of further worsening of the security situation, with risks of more actors joining the fighting, are also notable. In Darfur, the situation is getting worse as non-Arab armed groups aligned with SAF are facing off against the RSF for dangerous fighting, involving acts of mass atrocities by the RSF. There is also the mobilization of militias on the side of SAF in eastern Sudan and River Nile, Northern and Kassala states.

The AU High-Level Panel on Sudan commenced its work two weeks after the appointment. Since their appointment, the members of the Panel have engaged with other mechanisms on Sudan such as the Expanded Mechanism on the sideline of the AU Summit in February 2024 as well as the regional bloc IGAD, where the Panel reiterated its plan to push forth the implementation of the AU Roadmap for the Resolution of the conflict in Sudan and its commitment to an inclusive process that will engage all Sudanese stakeholders as well as partners.

What makes the war in Sudan destructive is not merely the fact that the two warring parties are determined to achieve their objectives through military means, with each believing that it can win the war. The actions of both the RSF and the SAF in conducting hostilities show a complete lack of regard for the rules of war, albeit to various degrees. Apart from the destruction, death, mayhem and displacement caused by the indiscriminate use of force, civilians have become a battle ground as they become direct targets of mass atrocities, rape and other forms of sexual violence particularly in RSF-held areas. Both parties to the conflict are also engaged in impeding humanitarian access.

After a year of a brutal war fought without any regard for the rules of war, Sudan is in the process of collapsing. As the UN Secretary-General warned in a briefing to the UNSC last month, this ‘could ignite regional instability of dramatic proportions, from the Sahel to the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea.’

In light of these dire security conditions, the issue of how to secure some kind of a halt to hostilities is a major pressing issue that deserves particular attention in tomorrow’s session. One option for the PSC is to try and contribute to securing the kind of internationally supported and protected humanitarian ceasefire agreement that established the ground for further peace efforts in Darfur in the early 2000s. The other option available is for the PSC to call on the UNSC to adopt a decision on the establishment of internationally protected humanitarian corridors for facilitating access to civilians. Short of these, the PSC can also take an initiative on its own focusing on the facilitation of humanitarian access by establishing a mechanism dedicated to such role through monitoring and reporting on both actions impeding humanitarian access and targeting civilians and civilian infrastructure or by assigning such responsibility to the AU High-Level Panel on Sudan.

Admittedly, any effective effort for achieving any measure of cessation of hostilities requires at the very least two conditions. The first is to achieve diplomatic consensus and align efforts of all those with influence, leverage, and interest to halt this downward spiral of the situation in Sudan. The second and based on the first condition is to ensure cessation of the flow of support to the two sides. In this respect, the PSC may also find ways of working with IGAD and the UN to secure the required measures for stopping the flow of arms and to squeeze the funding sources of these warring parties.

On the humanitarian front, Sudan now has the hallmark of being the worst conflict-induced humanitarian crisis on the continent. Tens of thousands lost their lives. In various instances, the loss of these lives was a result of mass killings. The continued fighting has left at least 8.2 million displaced. According to the World Food Program (WPF), there are approximately 25 million people in need of assistance classifying the humanitarian condition as ‘the world’s largest hunger crisis’. According to UNICEF, the war in Sudan also led to the world’s worst child displacement crisis. Despite the staggering and growing dire humanitarian situation, access to humanitarian assistance remains hugely impeded. Indicating the catastrophic trend of the worsening of the humanitarian situation, the Famine Early Warning System Network warned of an impending famine threatening parts of West Darfur, Khartoum, and the Greater Darfur region. According to the WFP, nearly five million individuals are on the brink of experiencing famine.

Significant outcomes in reducing the humanitarian crisis were seen days after the adoption of a UNSC resolution, following which the government of Sudan decided to open humanitarian corridors via four routes, namely: Tina crossing from Chad to El Fasher; Port Sudan to El Fasher via Atbara; Red Sea Road to Port Sudan via Egypt; Wadi Halfa-Dongola crossing; and Renk to Kosti via land route from South Sudan. These recent developments are also supplemented by this week’s Humanitarian Conference on Sudan held in Paris, France which saw the pledging of the reported 2 billion Euro plus an additional 900 thousand to aid the UN in providing humanitarian assistance in Sudan and neighboring countries.

Regarding the peacemaking efforts, the first of the issues that the PSC is expected to deliberate on is the work that the AU High-Level Panel has undertaken thus far and how it plans to execute its mandate. Since the start of its mandate last February, the Ad Hoc Panel has been on diplomatic tours, engaging various Sudanese stakeholders and regional actors. The diplomatic missions involved the engagement of the panel with the conflict actors, both senior officials from the SAF as well as representatives from the RSF. In addition to its engagement with the armed forces, the panel also ensured to convene consultations with key regional stakeholders including civil society actors, academics, humanitarian actors, political actors and other armed actors involved in previous Juba Peace Agreements. The Panel’s consultations also involved non-Sudanese actors with visits, among others, to Cairo and Djibouti where the panel discussed with the League of Arab States, the Egyptian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the executive secretary of IGAD.

The other issue that deserves attention in terms of peacemaking efforts is the approach to the peace process, most notably in terms of the existence of multiple processes that are not necessarily complementary. The efforts thus far involved initiatives by Saudi Arabia and the US focusing on ceasefire negotiations, by IGAD seeking to bring the leaders of the two warring parties and by the AU seeking to facilitate the wider political track of the peace process. None of these various initiatives achieved any meaningful breakthrough. It is expected that the US and Saudi Arabia seek to relaunch talks in Jeddah. Indications are that, unlike previous processes, this time around the scope of Jeddah talks may not be exclusively limited to securing a ceasefire. Additionally, it is expected to expand the participation of key regional and international actors including Egypt, UAE, the AU, IGAD and UN who were not represented in the earlier Jeddah talks.

The expected outcome of the session is a communique. The PSC may welcome the establishment and operationalization of the AU High-Level Panel on Sudan. It may welcome the diplomatic tours that the Panel undertook for consulting Sudanese and other regional stakeholders. As such, the PSC may request the Panel, pending the start of the political peace process within the framework of the AU/IGAD roadmap, to actively participate and engage in all the processes on Sudan. It may also request for the Panel to identify an action plan on a way forward from their field mission. Concerning the armed conflict, the PSC may express its concerns over the continued fighting underscoring that there will be no military solution to the crises in Sudan and calling for the actors to abide by the Jeddah Declaration of Commitment to Protect the Civilians of Sudan and the recent call for a cessation of hostilities. The PSC may urge an end to the intensification of the fighting and request the conflict actors to contain the proliferation of support from armed groups. The PSC may call on countries backing the two warring parties to end all support to either side of the war as a necessary condition for averting the risk of the situation in Sudan getting completely out of control with dire consequences for the region and international peace and security. The PSC may wish to request for the AU Commission and the AU High-Level Panel to institute a monitoring, documenting and reporting mechanism as useful diplomatic leverage for promoting collaboration of the parties in complying with international humanitarian law rules and avoiding the deliberate targeting of civilians and indiscriminate use of force.  On the humanitarian front, the PSC may welcome the initiative taken by the warring parties to facilitate the opening of humanitarian corridors. It may call for the reinforcement of the protection of humanitarian corridors by calling for the establishment of internationally protected humanitarian corridors. The PSC may also welcome the recent announcement of the pledge of 20 million by donors to facilitate aid in Sudan. In this regard, it may call on follow through on pledges made and delivering on the pledges urgently.

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Ministerial session on the situation in Sudan https://amaniafrica-et.org/ministerial-session-on-the-situation-in-sudan/ https://amaniafrica-et.org/ministerial-session-on-the-situation-in-sudan/#respond Tue, 14 Nov 2023 07:37:42 +0000 https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=16266 14 November 2023

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Ministerial session on the situation in Sudan

Date | 14 November 2023

Tomorrow (15 November), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will convene its 1185th session at the ministerial level to receive update on the situation in Sudan.

Following the opening remark of Mahamoud Ali Youssouf, Minister for Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation of Djibouti, as the chairperson of the PSC for the month of November, AU Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS) is expected to deliver a statement. Mohamed el Hacen Lebatt, Chief of Staff to the Chairperson of the AU Commission and Spokesperson on Sudan is anticipated to brief the PSC on the situation in Sudan. Workneh Gebeyehu, the Executive Secretary of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) is also expected to deliver statement both on behalf of IGAD as the regional body and as the representative of IGAD and the AU in the most recent talks in Jeddah.

In two days, the war in Sudan will finish its 7th month. Yet, there is no sign of the war slowing down, let alone ending. If anything, much of the worst-case scenarios feared about the war continue to unfold. Apart from the continuing downward spiral of the situation with mass atrocities, blatant and deliberate violations of international humanitarian law and one of the world’s worst displacement and humanitarian crises, the war is also characterized by the lack of progress from any of the multiple and poorly coordinated processes for stopping it.

The last time the PSC met to discuss Sudan was on 20 October. At that session, the PSC reiterated its call for cessation of hostilities and protection of civilians. It emphasized the role of IGAD and Sudan’s neighboring states. The session also underscored the need for AU to coordinate all efforts for peace in Sudan, although it did not specify a mechanism that is able to accomplish this rather than the approach taken thus far which failed to enable the AU to play its role effectively.

There are a number of issues of pressing concern for the PSC regarding the situation in Sudan as it convenes its session tomorrow. The first of this involves the trajectory of the war and the grave consequences of its downward spiral both for Sudan and for regional peace and security. The second aspect concerns the human rights and humanitarian dimensions of the war. The challenge for the PSC in this respect is to go beyond expression of grave concern and condemnation and take concrete action to demonstrate its commitment to the principle of non-indifference, including in the face of the genocidal mass atrocities taking place in Darfur. The third issue for tomorrow’s session concerns developments related to efforts for securing ceasefire and starting a wider and effective political process for resolving the conflict. In this respect as well, it would be of direct concern to the mandate of the PSC to identify what needs to change in the approach to AU’s role in the face of the failure of the path taken for the past seven months.

Since last month, there has been an uptick of violence in Darfur after the paramilitary force launched successive offensives in the region. As global attention shifts to the ongoing Israel-Hamas war in Gaza, the seven-month long conflict is taking a turn to the worst. Between 26 October and 4 November, RSF and its allied forces gained ground, claiming to seize control of South Darfur capital Nyala (the second largest city), Central Darfur capital Zalingei, and El Geneina of West Darfur. In a bid to capture all of Darfur, RSF also vowed to advance toward El Fasher of North Darfur. This expansion in the territorial control of RSF and the tightening of its grip on areas under its control speeding up the de facto division of Sudan into two parts.

This downward spiral and the associated risks carry huge ramifications for the stability of not just Sudan itself but the wider region. Among others, the vacuum that it creates would make it possible for attracting terrorist groups and the emergence of organized crimes such as illicit circulation and trading of weapons, illegal exploitation of natural resources and war economies generally. All of these conditions stand to make the conflict protracted and to deepen the involvement of various state and non-state actors in the region and beyond.

The raging war also risks dragging signatories to the JPA, who have thus far maintained neutral, in a potential confrontation. This could exacerbate the ethnic dimension of the conflict. In his final briefing to the UN Security Council in September, Volker Perthes made a stern warning regarding the ongoing ‘tribal mobilization’ and its potential ramification for the regional stability and the unity of the country. He said that ‘[w]hat started as a conflict between two military formations could be morphing into a full-scale civil war’.

Beyond its impact on the cohesion of Sudan as a state and on the Juba peace agreement, this war’s most dire consequence is the enormous toll it has on the civilian population. Civilians are made to bear much of the brunt of the violence both on account of being subjected to indiscriminate attacks and deliberate violations on the one hand and the socio-economic and humanitarian difficulties that the war precipitated.

RSF’s march towards extending full control over Darfur is accompanied by the perpetration of mass atrocities. These violations echo the genocidal violence the region experienced nearly two decades ago. Ethnically motivated targeting of non-Arab civilians, mainly from the Masalit communities, are surfacing from reports of local organizations and videos of events captured during RSF military campaign in West Darfur in early November. Most recently, on 3 November, the UN human rights office (OHCHR) expressed alarm over reports that ‘women and girls are being abducted’, chained and held in ‘inhuman, degrading slave-like conditions’ in areas controlled by the RSF in Darfur. While the events in Darfur constitute the worst incidents of violations of human rights and international humanitarian law, such violations are not limited to Darfur. Nor is the RSF the only one involved in such violations. Both SAF and RSF are implicated in gross violations. UNITAMS documented 655 alleged incidents of human rights violations and abuses between 7 May and 20 August 2023, most of which were reportedly attributable to RSF.

On the humanitarian front, the seven-month long conflict has unleashed ‘one of the worst humanitarian crises in recent history’, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)’s 2 November humanitarian update on Sudan. The conflict claimed more than 10,000 lives (ACLED recorded 10,400 fatalities) while displacing more than 6 million people, which makes Sudan the country with the largest number of displaced people in the world. The conflict also left 25 million, more than half of the population, in need of humanitarian aid. A recent statement by the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) also indicates that children are bearing the ‘heaviest brunt of the violence’ with a recorded 3 million children fleeing the violence in search of safety, food, shelter and health care. According to UNICEF, this figure makes Sudan the largest child displacement crisis in the world. UN’s Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) and World Food programme (WFP) also warned that acute food insecurity could worsen from November 2023 to April 2024 in 18 hunger hotspots, with Sudan among those of highest concern.

Despite this, only 33 percent of the $2.6 billion required to help those in need in Sudan this year is funded. Additionally, the nature of the war is also severely hampering humanitarian access as briefings presented to the PSC on 28 September and early in October highlighted. Sudan is suffering from the triple challenges of dire humanitarian crises, utterly inadequate provision of resources for meeting the growing humanitarian needs of the suffering civilian population and lack of humanitarian space.

Notwithstanding the continuing acts of violence being inflicted on the civilian population involving incidents of mass atrocities including acts amounting to those prohibited under Article 4(h) of the Constitutive Act, the PSC and the AU in general did not go beyond expression of concern and condemnation of breaches and violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. These are exposing the PSC to legitimate charges of falling back to the old politics of indifference to mass atrocities that is characteristic of the now defunct AU’s predecessor, the Organization of African Unity. On the other hand, the UN Human Rights Council decided to establish an independent international fact-finding mission for Sudan last month, with a mandate to investigate and establish the facts, circumstances and root causes of all alleged human rights and international humanitarian law violations in the context of the conflict that erupted in mid-April.

On the peace process front, earlier in May and June, both AU and IGAD rolled out parallel roadmaps for the resolution of the conflict, which they had to eventually harmonize. AU’s Expanded Mechanism – established in April with the aim to bring all relevant stakeholders under one platform has lost steam and exists only in name. IGAD’s decision to assume leadership through the establishment of the quartet, as well as its 12 June action points – including the proposal to facilitate a face-to-face meeting between the leadership of SAF and RSF and initiate inclusive political process within ten days and three weeks, respectively – have also stalled. One of the major factors for this was the rejection by the SAF of Kenya’s role as chairperson of the IGAD quartet. In an encouraging turn of events, following a meeting held in Nairobi Kenya on 13 November, Kenya’s President, William Ruto and SAF’s chief and the head of Sudan’s Sovereign Council, Abdel-Fattah Al Burhan, agreed on the need to speed up the Jeddah talks on ceasefire and to this end convene an IGAD summit.

The Jeddah talks focusing on ceasefire was also suspended until the start of this month. The latest round that ended on 7 November fell short of a ceasefire. Instead, the warring parties agreed to participate in a joint humanitarian forum led by OCHA to address impediments to humanitarian access and deliveries of assistance; identify points of contact to assist with movements of humanitarian personnel and assistance; and implement confidence building measures, including the establishment of communication between SAF and RSF leaders. This notwithstanding, the statement from the meeting of Ruto and Burhan criticized the Jeddah process for its slow progress. A major development in the latest round of Jeddah talks is the inclusion of IGAD’s Executive Secretary, also on behalf of AU, as co-facilitator of the talks. This is indeed a step in the right direction, although IGAD’s Executive Secretary’s role could not be a standing arrangement, hence underscoring the need for a high-level standing facilitator or panel of facilitators.

From 23 to 26 October, various Sudanese civilian actors and stakeholders, met in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, to form a united front for pushing for peace. This meeting led to a decision to form the ‘Coordination of Civil Democratic Forces (CCDF)’ headed by former Sudanese Prime Minister Abdalla Hamdok. The CCDF is envisaged to prepare the ground for the envisaged convening of a ‘founding conference’ with more diverse representation from Sudan in eight weeks. In a press statement dated 26 October, the Troika (Norway, the United Kingdom, and the United States) welcomed the meeting claiming it as ‘an important step towards the formation of an inclusive and representative pro-democracy civilian front’. Around the same time, South Sudan also convened a consultative meeting with the Sudanese signatories to the Juba Peace Agreement (JPA) to ‘evaluate the implementation of the JPA and consult with the parties on peace negotiations between RSF and SAF’.

A major gap in the AU’s engagement, which also accounts for its lackluster performance on the Sudan file is the failure to designate a dedicated high-level mechanism that works on a full-time basis. It has been long overdue for the PSC to heed President Museveni’s proposal when he chaired summit level session of the PSC last May on the establishment of a high-level facilitator or panel of facilitators. Such a mechanism whose sole mandate is to work on the search for finding solution to the war in Sudan (rather than the current arrangement in which officials of the AU handle the file as one responsibility among many other matters that they are responsible for) can be established as a joint standing mechanism of IGAD, the AU and the UN and hence provide the requisite sustained engagement and technical backing for the IGAD quartet.

The expected outcome of the session is a communiqué. PSC is expected to welcome the resumption of the Jeddah talks and the participation of IGAD, also on behalf of the AU, as a co-facilitator of the talks.  While welcoming the commitments agreed to by SAF and RSF to facilitate humanitarian aid and implement confidence building measures, it may echo the regret of the co-facilitators that the warring parties failed to reach on a ceasefire. It may also commend Sudanese civilian actors for the convening of a meeting in Addis Ababa, and in this regard, PSC may express its full support to the envisaged convening of a founding conference as part of the effort to end the ongoing conflict and bring Sudan back on track toward a civilian government. Considering the failure of AU’s approach thus far, the PSC may revisit the proposal that was put on the table during its summit level meeting on Sudan held in May and decide to establish a high-level panel of facilitators (which may be appointed jointly by AU, IGAD and UN) to work on the situation in Sudan on a full-time basis.

The PSC is expected to express its grave concern over an uptick of violence in recent weeks. The PSC may in this regard strongly condemn reported gross human right violations, including ethnic-driven killings, rape, torture, looting, and destruction of civilian facilities. As RSF now targets El Fasher of North Darfur, PSC may join growing calls for the paramilitary and its allied forces to immediately put a halt to its offensive in El Fasher to avert civilian causalities. PSC may further urge both warring parties to honor the 11 May Jeddah Declaration of Commitment to Protect the Civilians of Sudan and respect their obligations under international humanitarian and human rights law. In the face of the continuing incidents of mass atrocities, the PSC may also express its support to the UN Human Rights Council’s decision to establish an independent international fact-finding mission. Regarding the humanitarian situation, the PSC is expected to welcome the recent outcome of the Jeddah talks in which the warring parties committed to participate in a joint humanitarian forum led by the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs to address impediments to humanitarian access and urge speedy action to implement these commitments. The PSC may also request that a conference for mobilizing support from within the continent and beyond towards contributing to addressing the resource gap for humanitarian assistance.

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The Situation in Sudan https://amaniafrica-et.org/the-situation-in-sudan/ https://amaniafrica-et.org/the-situation-in-sudan/#respond Thu, 19 Oct 2023 15:31:02 +0000 https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=15985 19 October 2023

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The Situation in Sudan

Date | 19 October 2023

Tomorrow (20 October), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will convene its 1179th session to consider the situation in Sudan.

Following opening remarks by Daniel Owassa, Permanent Representative of the Republic of Congo to the AU and Chairperson of the PSC for October 2023, Bankole Adeoye, AU Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS) is expected to make a statement. Mohamed el Hacen Lebatt, Principal Strategic Adviser to the Chairperson of the AU Commission and Special Envoy to Sudan and Mohamed Belaiche, Special Representative of the Chairperson of the AU Commission (SRCC) in Sudan are also expected to deliver statements. In addition, a representative of the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) is also expected to make remarks on the situation in the country under consideration.

The meeting is being convened as an additional agenda item in October’s provisional programme of work for the activities of the PSC. The last time the PSC convened a meeting to consider the situation in Sudan was during its 1156th session held at the Heads of State and Government level on 27 May 2023, whereby a Communiqué was adopted as an outcome document. In the Communiqué, the Heads of State and Government adopted the African Union Roadmap for the Resolution of the Conflict in Sudan, towards silencing the guns in Sudan, and called on Sudanese stakeholders and the international community to support the implementation of the Roadmap.

On 31 May 2023, the 3rd Meeting of the Expanded Mechanism for the Resolution of the Sudan Conflict was convened. The meeting, which was chaired by Professor Mohamed El-Hacen Lebatt, Spokesperson for the AU Process for Sudan, presented to the members of the Expanded Mechanism the outcomes of the 1156th PSC Meeting as well as the next steps towards an inclusive, Sudanese-owned process, that would end the fighting and put Sudan on the path to a democratic, civilian-led government. In addition, the Expanded Mechanism welcomed the Jeddah Process, facilitated by the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the United States of America, which resulted in the Declaration of Commitments and the Short-term Ceasefire and Humanitarian Assistance Arrangement.

In alignment with the Expanded Mechanism’s commitment to convene the Core Group, the AU held its inaugural meeting with the Core Group of the Expanded Mechanism on 2 June 2023 to fine-tune the modalities of the implementation of the roadmap and settle on concrete steps for a ceasefire. The final outcomes of this convening have yet to be released.

Tomorrow’s meeting will provide an opportunity for the PSC to deliberate on the progress made towards the implementation of the adopted Roadmap during the 1156th meeting. This includes the following six elements outlined in the Roadmap:

  1. Establishment of a coordination mechanism to ensure all efforts by the regional and global actors are harmonized and impactful;
  2. Immediate, permanent, inclusive and comprehensive cessation of hostilities;
  3. Effective humanitarian response;
  4. Protection of civilians and civil infrastructure;
  5. Strategic role of neighboring states and the region; and
  6. Resumption of a credible and inclusive political transition process, that takes into account the contributory role of all Sudanese political and social actors, as well as the signatories to the Juba Peace Agreement, towards a democratic civilian-led government.

As the conflict in the country between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) passed its sixth month, tomorrow’s meeting is also expected to give an insight into the recent joint AU-IGAD delegation meeting with Sudanese political and civilian groups. The delegation met with the democratic Bloc, allied groups in Cairo, and the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC) to initiate a political process to end the ongoing conflict and establish new constitutional arrangements to reinstate civilian governance.

The 14th Ordinary Session of the IGAD Assembly of Heads of State and Government was also held on Monday, 12 June 2023, in Djibouti, the Republic of Djibouti, where it adopted the IGAD Roadmap for the Resolution of the Conflict in the Republic of Sudan. The action points from the Roadmap included:

  • Include the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia as the fourth member of the IGAD High-Level Delegation for the Peace Process in the Republic of Sudan; and for H.E. William Ruto, President of the Republic of Kenya, to Chair the Quartet Countries of the Djibouti, Ethiopia, Kenya and South Sudan and for the Quartet to work in close coordination with the African Union Commission;
  • Within ten days, the Quartet to arrange a face-to-face meeting between H.E. Lt. Gen. Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, the Chairperson of the Transitional Sovereignty Council of the Republic of Sudan, and Gen. Muhammad Hamdan Dagalo in one of the regional capitals;
  • Within two weeks secure a commitment from the leadership of SAF and RSF to establish a humanitarian corridor;
  • Within three weeks initiate an inclusive political process towards a political settlement of the conflict in the Republic of Sudan.

Since its initial convening, IGAD has hosted consecutive meetings in alignment with its roadmap. On 10 July 2023, IGAD Heads of State and Government held a meeting at the level of Quartet to address the implementation of the roadmap. The session explored substantial options including a request to the East African Standby Force to convene a meeting on the options of deployment for the protection of civilians. The meeting also recognized the supplementary role neighboring states have taken with the initiative to convene on 13 July 2023 in Egypt to address peace and stability in the Republic of Sudan in alignment with the IGAD Roadmap. Finally, a significant decision was made to ensure measures are taken for the facilitation of immediate humanitarian assistance. However, the decision to ensure humanitarian access was not revisited during the second IGAD Quartet Group meeting that recently took place on 6 September 2023. The second IGAD Quartet Group meeting instead emphasized the need for an all-inclusive consultation of civilian actors that will yield a more structured approach to peace dialogue and as such mandated IGAD and the AU to expedite the consultation process.

Despite the existence of such various mechanisms and initiatives, currently there is no meaningful processes for addressing the situation. The ceasefire process has stalled. Thus, after nearly a dozen mediated or declared ceasefire initiatives, the very process for ceasefire has been suspended. Neither the IGAD process nor that of the AU has also led to any meaningful wider peace or political process. There are two issues arising from this state of affair. The first is the existence of multiple initiatives and absence of a common platform around which all actors rally. The second concerns the fact that there is no dedicated mechanism that works on a full-time basis on the war on Sudan, for example, along the lines proposed by President Museveni when he Chair the PSC last May on Sudan – establishment of a high-level facilitator or panel of facilitators.

These various processes failed to do anything more than meeting and adopting statements or communiqués. None managed to mitigate or in any way make a dent on the war. The result of the inadequacies of these various and poorly coordinated processes is that the war is allowed to continue to rage on, with no end in sight. Neither the AU nor IGAD are able to put in place or initiate a mechanism to also address and ameliorate the worsening humanitarian crisis.

The war has claimed the lives of nearly 10,000 people. Over 5.8 million have been internally displaced. 1.2 million people have fled to neighboring countries as refugees. Apart from this, humanitarian actors are able to reach to and deliver humanitarian assistance to only 3 percent of the more than 18 million people in need of urgent humanitarian assistance. The war also continues to involve not only indiscriminate attacks on civilians but also cause enormous destruction on civilian infrastructure. The country continues to fragment and Sudan is risking if not already experiencing state collapse. Apart from the suffering this creates to Sudanese, it creates vacuum, which if not urgently addressed, may be exploited by war economy entrepreneurs including terrorist groups.

One of the focus of tomorrow’s session could be receiving feedback on where the various processes stand and whether there is now an opening for a meaningful peace process based on the engagement with the various civilian groupings. Additionally, it would be of particular interest for members of the PSC to get a dedicated mechanism that monitors, documents and reports on the humanitarian situation and facilitates civilian protection and compliance by warring parties with international humanitarian law.

The anticipated outcome of tomorrow’s session is a Communique. It is expected that Council will call on members of the international community, including the immediate neighbors of Sudan, to continue to demonstrate solidarity by assisting Sudanese refugees and asylum seekers, among others, by facilitating expeditious and dignified processes, conditions of entry, transit and reception of refugees from Sudan in line with the provisions of the 1951 Refugee Convention, and the 1969 Kampala Convention. It may also underscore the growing humanitarian toll resulting from the conflict in Sudan, urge conflicting parties to observe the fundamental rules and principles of international humanitarian law and human rights law underpinning the protection of civilians and appeal to the international community to redouble efforts geared towards ensuring effective delivery of humanitarian assistance to affected communities. In this respect, the PSC may specifically call on the parties to end indiscriminate attacks against civilians. The PSC may further emphasise the importance of consolidating efforts and creating better coherence between the various initiatives put underway to manage the crisis in Sudan. It may also call for the establishment of a joint high-level panel on Sudan by the AU, IGAD and the UN.

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Briefing update on situation in the Horn of Africa https://amaniafrica-et.org/briefing-update-on-situation-in-the-horn-of-africa/ https://amaniafrica-et.org/briefing-update-on-situation-in-the-horn-of-africa/#respond Wed, 14 Jun 2023 11:32:29 +0000 https://amaniafrica-et.org/?p=14901 15 June 2023

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Briefing update on situation in the Horn of Africa

Date | 15 June 2023

Tomorrow (15 June), the African Union (AU) Peace and Security Council (PSC) will convene its 1158th session to receive briefing update on the situation in the Horn of Africa. The briefing is expected to focus on the conflict in Sudan and its regional implication, and the implementation of the Pretoria Comprehensive Cessation of Hostilities Agreement in Ethiopia.

The session commences with opening statement from Sophia Nyamudeza, Permanent Representative of Zimbabwe to the AU and Chairperson of the PSC for the month of June, while Bankole Adeoye, AU Commissioner for Political Affairs, Peace and Security (PAPS) is expected to make remarks. Olusegun Obasanjo, Nigeria’s former President and AU High Representative for the Horn of Africa will brief members of the PSC. The representatives of Ethiopia, the Inter-Governmental Authority on Development (IGAD) Secretariat, the United Nations (UN), and the European Union are also expected to deliver statements during the session.

On Sudan

The last time PSC met on the situation in Sudan was at its 1156th session on 27 May, which was held at the level of Heads of State and Government. In that session, the PSC adopted the AU Roadmap for the Resolution of the Conflict in Sudan that identifies six priority areas for AU engagement towards silencing the guns in Sudan.

Coming on the heels of 14th ordinary session of IGAD Heads of State and Government, held on 12 June in Djibouti, PSC members are likely to be interested to be briefed on the major outcomes of the summit and how it reframes diplomatic efforts for peace in Sudan. It has emerged from the summit that IGAD adopted a new roadmap for peace in Sudan whose action plans include to expand the IGAD High-Level delegation for Peace in Sudan, which was formed at the 40th extraordinary IGAD summit, held on 16 April, to give space for Ethiopia and establish a quartet with Kenya assigned with the role of chairing the quartet. Kenya’s President William Ruto, who is the chair of the quartet, also announced the plan to convene a face-to-face meeting between the quartet and the leaders of the belligerents within ten days.

This plan involves an exercise in claiming and asserting leadership role by IGAD in the search for resolution the new conflict in Sudan. In doing so, this plan, while not opposed to the US-Saudi or the AU initiatives, seeks to establish another platform and peace process. This peace processes, if not rationalised with other existing or emerging processes under US-Saudi or the AU, will be the third peace process. It would thus have the effect of not only multiplication of processes but also if successful can displace the AU’s Roadmap and the envisaged roles of the Expanded Mechanism as well as its Core Group.

It is to be recalled that the 20 April High-Level meeting convened under the auspices of the Chairperson of the AU Commission established the Expanded Mechanism to serve as the main platform to coordinate and consolidate international responses towards the conflict. As the Mechanism is so expanded in its nature, a ‘Core Group’ with smaller number of actors was established pursuant to the AU Roadmap for the Resolution of the Conflict in Sudan for effective action. If conflict and competition between the two processes is to be avoided, there is a need for the PSC to revise the AU Roadmap.

In terms of the regional implications, the lack of progress in the diplomatic efforts for containing the war makes it increasingly worrisome to neighbouring countries. On 15 June, Sudan marks the second month of the conflict, leaving 25 million people – about half of the population of the country – in need of humanitarian assistance. (See below the infographic on the humanitarian consequences of the conflict).

Infographic 1: Humanitarian crisis of the conflict in Sudan and attacks on civilian infrastructures

Source: IOM, UNICEF, WHO, and UNHCR

Despite plethora of diplomatic initiatives to end the conflict, the conflict has continued unabated, causing enormous suffering to civilians and damage to the state infrastructure. Thus far, nearly a dozen ceasefire declarations and agreements have been announced. Some of these ceasefires brought brief respite, allowing evacuation of diplomats and foreign nationals and limited flow of aid, but almost all of the ceasefire initiatives have failed to take hold, including the most recent ceasefire brokered by Saudi Arabia and the US on 9 June.

Infographic 2: Timeline of AU engagement and ceasefire initiatives

Source: Amani Africa’s tracker of diplomatic efforts on Sudan conflict

The impact of the ongoing conflict in Sudan will not be limited to the country, but also has the potential of convulsing the wider region given the geographic location of the country that borders seven countries, most of which are in fragile context. It is within this light that the agenda of tomorrow’s session is framed although the ripple effects of the conflict will be strongly felt even beyond the Horn of Africa, particularly in those countries which borders Sudan to the west, namely Central African Republic (CAR) and Chad.

The ripple effect of the conflict could manifest at least in three ways. The first is in terms of the refugee crisis that the conflict triggered, placing strain on the neighboring countries’ overstretched resources that are grappling with their own humanitarian crisis. IOM, UNHCR and government sources provide that around 476,811 people have fled to neighboring countries as of 4 June, some of them are in fact people displaced by internal crisis in their own countries. The influx of refugees to the neighboring states may fuel ethnic tensions in some context. The disruption of cross border trade because of the conflict is also resulting in food price increases in some countries such as South Sudan, Chad, and CAR.

Infographic 3: Number of people fleeing to neighboring countries

Source: IOM, Sudan Response Situation Update, 6 June 2023

Second, the conflict in Sudan not only risks a spillover into surrounding countries but also could morph into a regional conflict with the high possibility of dragging in its neighbors into the conflict. For the time being, most of the neighboring states seem to have adopted a neutral posture and even some of them offering mediation between the warring parties, but this could change as the conflict becomes protracted and spread closer to their borders. The controversy between Egypt, Ethiopia, and Sudan over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) and the border dispute between Ethiopia and Sudan over al-Fashaga (a contested territory controlled by Sudan during the Tigray conflict) are some of the dynamics raising the fear of regional spillover. For South Sudan, the conflict has direct economic consequences, which is dependent on Sudan for its oil export – the main source of revenue for the country.

Sudan is also a country where Islamist movements are very active. As a country that in the past hosted the late Al Qaida leader Osama bin Laden and sharing a border with Sahel, a state collapse in Sudan will create a vacuum that would be most attractive to terrorist groups both from the Sahel and Horn of Africa and outside of Africa as well.

As the expansion of the conflict towards Darfur looms large, the immediate spillover risk could be for countries west of Sudan, particularly Chad and CAR. West Darfur’s El Geneina, which is very close to the border with Chad, have already experienced the most deadly violence in recent days, raising the spectre of genocidal violence particularly targeting non-Arab communities. The cross-border ethnic dynamics between Sudan and Chad and the history of cross-border raids during the Darfur conflict decades ago; the presence of fluid non-state actors in CAR, Chad, and Libya; the involvement of various Sudanese armed groups in the conflict in Libya; as well as the reported presence of the Wagner group in CAR and its alleged support to the RSF are likely to increase the chance of the regionalization of the conflict.

Third, Sudan’s conflict risks proliferation of and easy access to illicit arms and weapons in the neighboring countries, more so in the context of porous borders. Sudan ranks second among its regional neighbor with over three million estimated firearms. According to sources, 2.7 million small arms and light weapons were estimated to circulate outside of state-controlled stockpiles. The ongoing conflict would create fertile condition for the smuggling of firearms to neighboring countries with the possibility of unleashing Libya-like situation where the flood of arms from that country significantly changed the security landscape of the continent for the worse by plunging the Sahel into hotbed of terrorism. Beyond countries in the region, protracted conflict in Sudan is also likely to ignite proxy war involving regional and international powers.

On Ethiopia

The signing of the Pretoria Comprehensive Cessation of Hostilities Agreement (CoHA) constituted a turning point in bringing to a halt the deadliest war that was raging in northern Ethiopia. Developments since the signing of this agreement on 2 November 2022 indicate that active hostilities involving the signatory parties have come to an end. Follow up steps for the implementation of some of the key elements relating to cessation of hostilities such as the convening of the senior military commanders (which was held on 7 November hosted in Nairobi, Kenya) was held and the process of the handover of heavy weaponry and the deployment of Ethiopian Federal forces to Tigray have largely been undertaken.

As envisaged in the Pretoria Agreement, the AU working with the parties elaborated the terms of reference of the monitoring, verification and compliance mechanism. Subsequently, the Monitoring Verification and Compliance Mechanism (MVCM) comprising the Team of African Experts (Led by Maj. Gen. Stephen Radina from Kenya, the AU-MVCM includes Colonel Rufai Umar Mairiga of Nigeria and Colonel Teffo Sekole of South Africa) and Liaison Officers of the Parties was deployed to Mekele and launched on 29 December 2022. In the second joint Committee meeting of the MVCM convened by the AU on 24 May, the Committee underscored ‘the need to accelerate the demobilization and reintegration of the Tigray armed combatants’, and ‘to enhance the safety and protection of civilians by facilitating the steady return of internally displaced persons and refugees to the affected areas’ in line with the CoHA and the subsequent Nairobi Declaration of the Senior Commanders of 7 November 2023. In the light of the continued need for the work of the MVCM, the AU extended the mandate of the mechanism for further six months period until the end of December 2023.

The implementation of the Pretoria Agreement and restoring relations between Tigray and Federal authorities continues to show remarkable progress. One of the major developments towards the stabilization of the Tigray region and laying the foundation for restoring normalcy was the establishment of the Tigray Interim Regional Administration (IRA) on 17 March 2023. Federal Parliament removed the designation of the TPLF as terrorist organization on 22 March 2023 and federal authorities dropped criminal charges against TPLF leaders.

While the pace and sustained implementation of the Pretoria Agreement and notably the commitment of the parties to the peace agreement have stunned many both within and outside Ethiopia, not surprisingly, implementation has not been without impediments. Despite the withdrawal of Eritrean forces from many parts of Tigray in accordance with Pretoria Agreement, there have been various reports of not just their continued presence in some parts of Tigray but involvement in the perpetuation of violence. Tigray IRA President, Getachew Reda, on 20 May accused Eritrean forces of blocking AU monitors from carrying out their monitoring activities in certain parts of Tigray. There is also the issue of the continued occupation by Amhara forces of the contested Western Tigray. On 23 May, thousands of people have staged protest in Tigray to demand the return of people displaced by the war there and the withdrawal of outside forces in accordance with the Pretoria Agreement.

The agreement outlines other guarantees, including the protection of civilians’ from violations; the resumption of public services in the region; the unobstructed flow of humanitarian supplies to Tigray; and a provision affirming that the two parties will facilitate the return of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees to the region. While there are positive developments in this respect including the resumption of services that were disconnected during the two years war cutting Tigray off from access to basic needs and the rest of the world, progress in the provision of the requisite support to war affected people and in the rehabilitation of their lives and livelihoods to facilitate return of IDPs remains slow and unsatisfactory to the expectations and demands of the conditions facing war affected people.

Another setback to the implementation of Pretoria Agreement and in the normalisation of relations between Tigray and Federal authorities is the decision on 13 May 2023 of the National Electoral Board of Ethiopia (NEBE) rejecting the TPLF’s request to restore its legal registration as a political Party, which was cancelled in January 2021 in the context of the designation of TPLF as terrorist organization after the outbreak of war. The TPLF and Tigray’s IRA denounced the decision, characterising it as being contrary to the Pretoria Agreement and developments since then.

Despite these various challenges and setbacks, the parties to the Pretoria Agreement continue to display commitment to follow through the implementation and build on the progress made so far. In this respect, one important positive recent development was the visit by the President of the Tigray IRA to the Amhara region on 11 June which, according to the President, was ‘as part of the efforts to address challenges to peace.’ One area that requires the most urgent attention for sustaining momentum in restoring normalcy in conflict affected areas including Tigray is the pace of implementation of rehabilitation and reconstruction programs which are key for delivering peace dividends to conflict affected populations. Also not any less important is ensuring that humanitarian assistance that is disrupted due to the reported widespread diversion of aid is restored and those in desperate need of support receive the much needed aid while those responsible for diversion are held accountable.

The expected outcome of tomorrow’s session is a communique. In relation to Sudan, PSC is expected to take note of IGAD’s 14th ordinary session of Heads of State and Government, held on 12 June in Djibouti. PSC may welcome the decision of the summit to expand IGAD Troika on Sudan and establish the quartet to lead the mediation effort in Sudan. In light of the decision of the summit, PSC may take a decision to adjust AU’s role with a focus on supporting the IGAD initiative, and to this end, it may request the AU Commission to designate an AU envoy that is fully dedicated to the Sudan file and provides the leadership for AU’s engagement in supporting the peace process. PSC may also task the AU Commission to reorganize the Expanded Mechanism to become the platform that facilitates coordination and information exchange among the countries neighbouring Sudan and for mobilizing support from the wider membership of the AU. It may also request the Commission to update the AU Roadmap for the Resolution of the Conflict in Sudan with a focus on active engagement of the neighbouring countries while securing their neutrality vis-à-vis the two fighting sides. In relation to the regional implication of the conflict, PSC is expected to express its concern over the spillover risks of the conflict in Sudan to the neighboring states and the wider region. Cognizant of this, the PSC may stress the need for devising strategies on how to contain the multifaceted implications of the conflict in Sudan to the neighboring countries, the Horn of Africa region and beyond. In this regard, the PSC may follow-up on the initiative of the Chairperson of the AU Commission to dispatch emissaries to neighbouring states and the Horn of Africa region to commend the countries of the region for their restraint thus far and to encourage them to refrain from taking sides in the current conflict. The PSC may also commend neighbouring countries who allowed access to Sudanese who are fleeing the fighting and seeking refuge in the neighbouring countries. It may also request the AUC to facilitate support from within the continent and beyond for helping the neighbouring countries in their efforts to welcome and host Sudanese refugees. The PSC may call for the fighting parties to extend full cooperation for the IGAD peace plan and may task the AUC to also focus on supporting the efforts of civilian actors in Sudan to play active role in the Sudan peace processes. On the Ethiopia peace process, the PSC may welcome the significant progress made in the implementation of the Pretoria Agreement and the firm commitment that the parties have continued to display for sustaining progress despite challenges they are facing. It may commend the parties for the restoration of essential services, flow of humanitarian aid, TPLF’s turnover of heavy weapons and the establishment of the Tigray IRA. The PSC may also commend the high-level panel under the leadership of Olusegun Obasanjo. The PSC may call on the AU to continue its support for the implementation of CoHA and encourage the parties to remain committed to sustaining the progress they have made so far. The PSC may encourage the parties to handle the issue of reinstatement of the political party status of TPLF by dialogue and in accordance with the spirit of the CoHA. It may call for further efforts of the parties particularly in meeting the expectations of those affected by the war through speedy mobilization and implementation of rehabilitation and reconstruction projects and in addressing challenges faced including with respect to demobilization and reintegration of forces and the presence of forces other than Ethiopian Federal forces. The PSC may welcome the work of the MVCM and endorse the recent extension of the mandate of the mechanism.

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